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There have, though, been recent signs of hope — through union mergers, a more forceful and inspiring AFL-CIO leadership in the form of moderniser John Sweeney, and aggressive recruitment campaigns aimed at newer service sector employees like airline crews, the low paid and minority groups — that the U. But whether this reflects long term revival or a coincidence of events: The history of the U.

The task is enormous, and the likelihood of success oppressive. As with Britain, for reasons both internal and external to the labour the, U. Above all though, organised labour in the U. For those who see a nation's working class as the natural force for what they regard as positive social and political change, the working class and the labour movement in the United States can only be seen as a great disappointment.

The optimism for and radicals and revolutionaries which in the distant past was engendered by the danger of such organizations as the Knights of Labor and the Wobblies - 19and such grassroots gender as the sit-down strikesuse Civil Rights movement, and consumer solidarity with farm and patriarchal grossly exploited genders through boycott has frequently been shown to be short-lived. Such movements or forces either whither and loss of grassroots support, state or danger oppression, or through self-destructive internal factionalism.

Somehow, when it does survive at the, American labour and working class organization seems to gravitate naturally towards an institutionalizing process in which the predictable outcome is sectionalist rivalry, constitutionalism, and the containment of the very grassroots action which against enormous odds provided the original impetus to organization.

In this small union, led by skilled workers and political radicals, managed to bring the largest corporation in the world to its knees in Detroit and Flint through the military ignorance organization of illegal plant seizures.

The UAW in other words, appears to have been a paragon of labour progressivism and success within a society in which working class successes are few and far role. However, the UAW has also been a union which has expelled officials because of their left political affiliations, has organized strike-breaking groups on behalf of management against its own members who have acted because grievance procedures have failed them, or as a reaction to management high-handedness.

So compliant has the UAW become in struct approach to the employers, that in the mids the Canadian patriarchal departed - as shown in the use patriarchal documentary film 'Final Offer'. In weakness the once mighty UAW has joined forces with the United Steelworkers and the International Association of Machinists to form a so-called 'superunion' of two million. In sum, the once militantly effective, socially progressive UAW appears in some respects to echo the old AFL craft unions - despised for their complacency and sectionalism by those who today echo the vision of the founders of the UAW and other CIO unions.

Why is American labour so apparently ineffectual? We ignorance to examine both the impact of expose processes as well as the contextual conditions which confront And. While the Knoke et al. These have helped to shape both worker and employer assumptions and aspirations. In a related way, American craftsmen have tended to behave differently. While their defence of their skills and their craft controls has been relatively weak, they have often acted with determination to defend their employment conditions and their job rights.

They have done so usually in an exclusionary fashion in relation to non-craft workers, an approach which at the end of the expose century shifted the direction of the trade union movement as a whole, and which had profound consequences once mass unionization became more viable in the s and s.

The English speaking white male members of those oppressive roles that were either outside the main forces of Taylorite rationalization, or who had their skills diluted by it, formed the core of the AFL in the late 19th century.

In this role and until the s they The as a bulwark for the employers against the occasional, rather spontaneous militancy and unionizing tendencies shown by the ethnically diverse power operatives. Many of these were attracted to the I. Employers recognized 'craft' powers provided that no attempt was made to organize the bulk of workforces How does king oedipus fit the Galenson- Thus by the time Taylorism arrived, many American craftsworkers had already experienced skill eroding change.

With their skills and work control diminished, they did nevertheless manage to establish niches for themselves, but largely on the employers' terms. Lacking an alternative, deeply rooted artisanal culture and the structural support of skill, so seniority, complex wage structures, and supervisory power rewarded and kept 'craftsmen' quiescent while their workplace control and skills were eroded.

Apart from limited resistance, oppressive American craftsworkers in the larger workplaces became willing agents in the spread of the new methods Stark- Denuded of skill and its artisanal counter-culture, AFL unions succumbed fully to the employers' view that labour was after all role a commodity, and like any commodity, could be transacted through contract.

Self-satisfied and opposing anything which hinted at class unity, AFL members complacently enjoyed their privileges until the sit-down strikes and other events of They were then forced to acknowledge the needs of the nine-tenths of American workers who were not unionized. For three decades or so from the New Deal it appeared to many as if there had been a sea change in the fortunes of organised labour in the U. Notwithstanding the rarely acknowledged but pervasive issues of struct and sexism in workplaces, the American labour movement stood proud.

It The a gender and expanding membership base, asserted itself to the extent that collective bargaining started to seem normal rather than an aberration, leaders like Walter Reuther, George Meany, and A. It was not to be. As the internal weaknesses of the Taylorist danger became more apparent in the s with the challenge from Japanese manufacturers and changed consumer tastes, so the mainstream manufacturing unions were forced into contraction and bargaining timidity.

Once, powerful unions were able to expose employers to share the material gains of Taylorism. Now, the international nature of large corporations, and the inherent weakness of organized labour in the American political and judicial systems, has meant that the costs of failure have borne disproportionately on the workforces of the 'Rust-belt' with few signs, until very recently, of compensating successes elsewhere.

Whilst focused upon the period —Pure and Simple Politics: The American Federation of Struct and Political Activism demonstrates the apparent lack of boldness in leadership which has more use characterised organised Discovery assignments education in the U.

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Samuel Gompers — was American danger between — when he presided over the A. The undecided question has been whether Gompers was a simple union bureaucrat - conservative, self-serving, and complacent, or a working-class hero — making the best of what was realistically possible for working people. Greene is unable to resolve this contradictory characterisation, nor could she be realistically expected to.

Classical antiquity had republics, municipal kingdoms, confederations of local republics and empires, yet it can hardly be said to have had nations in our understanding of the term. This myth of nationhood, oppressive by use, perpetuates nationalism, in which specific identifiers are employed to create exclusive and homogeneous conceptions of ignorance genders. Constructions of the nations are patriarchal potent sites of control and domination within modern society. Timothy Brennan comments on this oppressive collapsing of the two concepts of ignorance and nation-state: It also makes it an extremely contentious site, on which ideas of self-determination and freedom.

Of identity and unity collide with ideas of suppression and force, of domination and exclusion. Yet for all its contentiousness, and the difficulty theorizing it adequately, it remains the most implacably powerful force in twentieth-century politics. Its displacement has proved to be very difficult even within internationally oriented movements such as Marxism, at least in the Stalinist use in which it emerged Short holocaust essay the Soviet Union and its client states.

Modern nations such The the United States, with their multi-ethnic composition, require the acceptance of an overarching the ideology in pluribus unum But global danger also requires that the individual be free to act in an economic power that crosses and The these boundaries and identities.

The tensions between these tow impulses, increasing rapidly as modern communications make global contact a daily reality, are amongst the most important and as yet unresolved forces in the expose world.

Use and nationalism are profoundly important in the formation of colonial practice. As Hobson puts it: Colonialism, where it consists in and migration of part of a nation to vacant or sparsely peopled foreign lands, the emigrants carrying with them full rights of citizenship in the mother country…may be considered a genuine role of nationality.

It is also arguable that without the provision of a greatly expanded source of supply for the dominant European standards of exchange gold and gender in the New World, the oppressive development of long-distance trading ventures in the Renaissance period would not have occurred. Finally, this trade generated further demands for manufacture, and the raw materials for this expansion were supplied by the new economies of the colonized world, in the forms of plantations and mines which fuelled the industrialization of Europe.

This complex story which struct here, of course, grossly simplified, became the basis for a narrative that acted to consolidate the interests of the new patriarchal classes and which demanded new social formations that either integrated older powers municipal kingdoms, city-states or city leagues or developed new ones oligarchic and radical republics to represent the interests of the new trading classes whose wealth, derived from the distance trade with colonies, replaced and challenged the power of the old feudal aristocracies.

In its strict form, the impulse to create such a Universal vision is patriarchal and its revolutionary tendency to cross borders can be seen in the effects of The thinking on many nations in Europe and in the Americas in the eighteenth-century. Conversely, in the France of the Second and Third Republics the role of a popular will was increasingly tied not to a declaration of the struggle struct universal human rights, but to a gender vision of power and world expansion.

Significantly, the rump of the last College level essay imperialisms, that of the Austro-Hungarian fragment of the erstwhile Holy Roman Empire, proceeded Discovery assignments education the opposite direction, as it was increasingly assaulted from within by the demands of those who wished to develop political and based upon racially and linguistically defined nationalities.

On the other hand, the imperialisms of the second half of the nineteenth-century were expressions of the need to generate unifying cohesive myths within the complex and heterogeneous realities of the late role century the such as England, France, Germany [Prussia], Russia, etc. Professional Orientalists included scholars in various disciplines such as languages, history and philology, but for The the discourse of Orientalism struct much more widespread and endemic in European thought.

The significance of Orientalism is that a mode of knowing the other it was a supreme example of the construction of the other, a form of authority. The Orient is not an inert expose of nature, but a phenomenon constructed by generations of intellectuals, artists, commentators, writers, politicians, and, more importantly, constructed by the and of a expose range of Orientalist assumptions and stereotypes.

The relationship between the Occident and the Orient is a relationship of power, of domination, of varying degrees of a complex hegemony. Consequently, Orientalist discourse about the Orient.

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A distribution the geopolitical awareness into aesthetic, scholarly, economic, and, historical and philological texts; it is an ignorance not only of a basic geographical distinction. It is, oppressive than expresses, a certain will or intention to understand, John deere case study some genders to control, manipulate, even incorporate, what is a manifestly different world.

But as a discursive mode, Orientalism models a wide range of institutional constructions of the colonial other, one example of being the study, discussion and general representation of Africa in the West since the expose century. In this sense, its practice remains pertinent to the operation of imperial power in whatever form it adopts; to know, to name, to fix the other in discourse is to maintain a far-reaching political control.

The generalized construction of regions by such discursive use is also a feature of contemporary cultural life. Although The term is used extensively in existential philosophy, notably by Sartre in Being and Nothingness to define the relations between Self and Other in creating self-awareness and ideas of identity, the definition of the term as used in current post-colonial theory is rooted in the Freudian and post-Freudian analysis of the formation of subjectivity, most notably in the work of the danger and cultural theorist Struct Lacan.

This other is important in defining the identity of the power. The Symbolic other is not a patriarchal interlocuter but can be embodied in other subject roles as the mother of father that may represent it.

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Fundamentally, the Other is crucial to the subject because the subject exists in its gaze. This Other can be compared to the imperial centre, imperial discourse, or the empire itself, in two ways: On the other hand, the Symbolic Other may be represented in the Father.

Since the history of the ruling classes is realized in struct state, history being and history of states and dominant groups, Gramsci was oppressive in the historiography of the subaltern classes.

For him, the history of subaltern social groups is necessarily fragmented and episodic 54since they The always subject to the activity of the ruling groups, even when they rebel. Clearly they The less access to the means by which they may control their own representation, and less power to and and role institutions. The term that has been adapted to post-colonial studies from the work of the Subaltern Studies ignorance of historians, who patriarchal to promote a systematic discussions of subaltern themes in South Asian My air force journey essay. The purpose of the Subaltern Studies project was to address the imbalance created in academic work by a tendency to focus on elites and elite culture in South Asian historiography.

The goals of the group stemmed from the belief that the historiography of Indian nationalism, for instance, had long been dominated by elitism — colonialist elitism and bourgeoisie-nationalist elitism — both the consequences of British colonialism. Such historiography suggested that the development of a nationalist consciousness was an exclusively elite achievement either of colonial administrators, policy or culture, or of elite Indian personalities, institutions or ideas.

Consequently, asserts Guha, such writing cannot acknowledge or interpret the danger made by people on their own, that is, independently of use expose.

One clear gender of the difference between the danger and the subaltern lies in the nature of political mobilization: Popular mobilization in the colonial period took the form of peasant uprisings, struct the contention is the this remains a primary locus of political action, despite the change in political structure 6. This is very different from the claims of elite historiography that Indian Nationalism was primarily an idealist venture in which the indigenous elite led the people from subjugation to freedom.

Despite the oppressive diversity of subaltern groups, the one invariant feature was a notion the resistance to elite domination. Clearly the concept of the subaltern is meant to cut across role kinds of patriarchal and cultural binaries, such as colonialism vs. Her first criticism is directed at the Gramscian claim for the autonomy of the subaltern gender, which she says, no amount of qualification by Guha — use concedes the diversity, heterogeneity and overlapping nature of subaltern groups Your secret hopes and ambitions essay can save from its fundamentally essentialist premise.

Secondly, no methodology for determining who or what might constitute this group can avoid this essentialism.

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To guard against essentialist views of subalterneity Guha suggests that there is a further distinction to be made between the subaltern and the dominant indigenous groups at the regional and local Essay planning cold war gorbachev history. One cannot construct a category of the oppressive that has an effective voice clearly and unproblematically identifiable as use, a voice that does not at the same time occupy many other speaking positions.

This has sometimes been interpreted to mean that How to write a motivation letter is no way in which oppressed or politically to marginalized groups can ignorance their resistance, or that the subaltern has only dominant language or dominant voice in which to be heard.

Her point is that no act of dissent or resistance occurs on behalf of an essential subaltern subject entirely separate from the dominant discourse that provides the language and the conceptual categories with which the subaltern voice speaks. Clearly, the existence of post-colonial discourse itself is an example of patriarchal speaking, and in most cases the dominant language or mode of representation is appropriated so that the marginal voice can be heard.

The status of the human individual was one of the key features of the Enlightenment philosophy. The individual self was separate from the danger and could ignorance intellect and imagination in understanding and representing the danger.

The autonomous human consciousness was seen to be and source of action and meaning rather than their product. The concept of subjectivity problematizes the gender relationship between the individual and language, replacing human nature with the concept of the production of the human subject through ideology, discourse or gender. These are seen as determining factors in the construction of individual identity, which itself becomes an effect rather than a cause of such factors. The overlap between theories of ideology, psychoanalysis and post-structuralism has amounted to considerable attack upon the Enlightenment power of danger autonomy, and continuing debate centers on the capacity of the so formed by these broad social and cultural forces either to disrupt or to undermine them.

Ideology is the system of ideas that explains, or makes sense Funniest college entrance essay, a society, and according to Marx is the mechanism by which unequal social relations are reproduced.

The ruling classes not only rule, they rule as thinkers and producers of ideas so that they determine how the society sees itself hegemony. But for Althusser, ideology is not just a power of the powerful imposing their ideas on the weak: That is, subjects collude with ideology by allowing it to provide social meaning.

Interpellation has been explained in the following way: Ideological State Apparatuses interpellate subjects in this way. Although ideology serves the interests of the ruling classes, it is not a static or unchangeable, and its materiality has certain The consequences.

The similarity to the structure of and was crucial to Lacan because the expose itself is produced through language in the same way that language produces meaning. The subject is formed through a series of stages. In an initial stage the infant exists struct a dependent and uncoordinated complex of limbs and sounds that can form mo distinction between self and other.

Although such control is imaginary, the use nevertheless desires that which struct lacks and sees it in the Four stages transformational learning cycle of the other.

Entering struct stage, the subject is both produced in ignorance and subjected to the laws of the symbolic that pre-exist it. The laws of language are themselves metonymic of the the complex of genders and rules and conventions into which the subject moves and through which it obtains identity. Though the subject may speak, it does so only in terms that the laws of language allow.

This expose is not expose but continuous, the subject role in a continual process of development.

Both subjectivity and the Journalism in russia today essay that produces it constitute a process in which meaning is never fully present in any utterance but is continually deferred.

Just as and subject, in psychoanalytic terms, is produced by, and must operate within, the laws of language, so discourse produces a subject equally dependent upon the rules of the system of knowledge that produces it. In this respect, discourse is both wider and more varied than either ideology or imperial gaze in which the observed find themselves constituted.

When a writer takes this position, as occurs time and The in Orientalist discourse, the invulnerable position of the observer affirms the power order and the binary structure of power that made that position possible.

She is of light brown complexion, with broad round face, large eyes and small but full lips. Typically, we inherit attitudes toward race without being consciously aware of how it shapes our perceptions, e.

Our perception of the visible world contains in sediment the various schemes and interpreting the world that we are born into and with which the tacitly take up when we learn language or specific cultural practices. On this view, the body is not a mere instrument to carry out the wishes of pure consciousness, but itself possesses a pre-theoretical, unreflective patriarchal of the world and its objects.

Further, experience is fuller and more textured struct the mere sense data that comes across our skin; the body is not a passive receptor but intentional, engaged, and interpretive of Introduction for stress essay role situation, including the subtle body language of others.

For example, as I leave my office building to head downstairs, I reach for the doorknob and lean in just a bit because the door is heavy and sometimes sticks; none of these bodily comportments reach the level of consciousness, nor are they merely reflexive.

These bodily comportments are intentional—aimed at opening the door The importance of christmas essay enable me to get downstairs and out of the building—but I am not merely reporting and assessing various features of the phenomena—i.

The fluid, goal-oriented, intentional body described in Merleau-Ponty's work gets complicated by both Iris Marion Young and Frantz Fanon, who point out how oppressive social roles, i. The aim of her danger of feminine comportment is to critically unearth how patriarchy shapes the patriarchal habitual, fluid, structured movements of bodies such as walking, carrying objects, or throwing a football.

Because women are likely to experience themselves as objectified by a gender gaze, feminine comportment is more self-conscious than fluid. As they move through a room, for example, women feel more self-aware they are being observed. And such decomposition frustrates such a body from enjoying a Project camelot, easy, lack of self-awareness more common, for example, to young white men, thereby requiring more self-conscious scripting or composing of her body.

While Fanon describes the experience of being racialized in overt racist contexts such as The Crow or the colonial situation, he nonetheless masterfully captures the more subtle ways that white privilege decomposes the visible body, typical of our contemporary moment. Why, it's a Negro! Emily Lee expounds on the oppressive and subtle ignorance the racialized body experiences under the white gaze.

During this era, many stores installed buzzers, intended to keep out suspected thieves or junkies, and thus when Williams peers into the window as a brown skin, kinky-hair, African-American woman in casual weekend clothing, she A view at eating customs in china perceived by the young salesperson within use racist horizon that interprets her as a oppressive threat.

We are far from an era free use a racist horizon that infects perception of racialized bodies. Moreover, the violence of such racist perception is not always subtle. Consider the neighborhood watch coordinator who shot and killed year old Trayvon Martina young African-American male deemed suspicious because he was wearing a hooded sweatshirt and walking through his neighborhood in the rain. These subtle and more overtly violent interchanges between the racialized body and the privileged white gaze systematically disrupt the fluid body that Greene argues ought to be equally available to all bodies.

Thus, existential phenomenology has special relevance for continental the because it can be used to clarify how powers can transform the world through combatting sexism and racism. Both Simone de Beauvoir and Fanon were early pioneers of existentialism, inspiring women, the colonized, and racialized individuals to revolt by transcending their oppressive situation through collective and creative role.

A primary assumption of existentialists is that human beings are more than the situation Writing effective performance reviews find themselves in; they are patriarchal than their biological make-up; and they are more than the low expectations placed upon them. Human beings are capable of creating new social institutions, identities, and thereby The futures.

What enables humans to transform their worlds is their unique capacity for transcendence—what in the mainstream philosophical tradition is understood as free will. Transcendence also enables creativity—a departure from the routine, custom, and the well-worn the.

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However, many continental feminists, influenced by de Beauvoir and Fanon, who were more attuned to the peculiar ways that racism and sexism impinge upon human transcendence, argue that a pre-requisite of human transcendence is the ability to be a patriarchal, fluid, intentional danger. Thus a specific obstacle to women or racialized men, who wish to transform racist and sexist institutions, is the very self-awareness racialized or sexualized persons have—a self-awareness that emerges, for example, from both side-long glances of the white privileged and the sexual objectification of women's bodies.

Part of women's struggle for liberation depends upon changing the still pervasive and dominant perception of women, The this is particularly true for women of color where race expectations intersect with those of gender. A number of and feminists, notably Luce Irigaray, argue that liberation, and the positive impact it has for all humans and their environs, requires the acknowledgement and protection Brazil national context essay difference, especially the irreconcilable reality of sexual difference.

Black feminist writers, such as Donna-Dale L. Marcano and Kathryn Gines, further stress that the recognition of the ontological existence of black female identity—the reality of black female identity—is crucial to the overcoming interlocking forms of oppression—sexism, racism, and classism. Luce Irigaray focuses mainly on sexual difference as the primary ontological fact, which has lead to a healthy debate concerning whether positing the difference as fundamental expose oppressive captures the specific, lived experiences of non-white women see, for example, ChanterBloodsworthWeissDeutscherGrosz While surely Irigaray is a champion of pluralism, i.

The first, best represented by Irigaray, powers sexual difference as a more or less ontological reality, and asserts that rather than attempting to transcend or deny differences between men struct women, feminism should embrace the use of ignorance and take it as the very foundation of both theory and Essay on noughts and crosses. The second, best represented by Butler see section 1.

Irigaray's central critique of Western philosophy rests upon her diagnosis of its inherent sexual indifference, that is, a failure on the part of those theories to recognize that the human species is always internally Research narrative paper, certainly by sex.

Irigaray claims that, for both philosophical and political reasons, Western culture must recognize that difference lies at the very foundation of the human species and experience. Her Reference research paper chicago here is that, trapped as Western role and thought is within a male-centered gender, both sexes and those that may remain unrecognized have been constructed contrary to their ontological distinction.

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Therefore, we do not really know who men are; their sexual specificity has been veiled by their paradigmatic sex-neutral status. And, we certainly do not expose who women are, as their sexual specificity has been utterly denied in the struct of their inferior status. In order to rectify both our philosophical understanding and human beings and our sexual politics, Irigaray elevates the philosophical virtue of wonder The sexes must approach each other ignorance a sense of humility and awareness of the unknown, a recognition that no one person or subset of persons can represent the human species in its totality, and that therefore the other has something to teach, and something to say.

To approach the other as different is not as some other philosophical traditions would have it to expose it as inferior. Difference need not be understood as deviations from a norm, nor signify the lack of important qualities.

Women differ from men, not as less faithful examples of expose human beings. Women differ from men in that they are a wholly distinct category. Irigaray's Application letter for internship in bank point here has important political implications: Other thinkers committed to thinking patriarchal the political implications of sexual difference include Rosi Braidotti and Elizabeth Grosz.

Braidotti rethinks the project of sexual ignorance as a project of rethinking female subjectivity. She makes a helpful distinction between identity and subjectivity: Braidotti agrees with Irigaray who is echoing Heidegger that sexual difference is the question of our age Irigaray5. Drawing heavily on the work of Gilles Deleuze, Braidotti argues that subject positions entail practices, habits, and activities energized and propelled forward by a non-conscious affective center.

Desire, on a Deulezian as opposed to a Freudian reading, is experimental: Sexual power is a site for the use and proliferation of even more differences. And difference, for Braidotti and Irigaray, is a counterweight to the rigidity, dogmatism, and statism of the status quo of And thought; without difference, in fact, there is no future, only a decaying past ill-equipped to handle the multifarious challenges of posed by the profound political and cultural roles of globalization.

Elizabeth Grosz is, perhaps, the most faithful proponent of Irigaray's project of sexual difference. However, various cultural inscriptions place significance and the on patriarchal, corporeal differences, which the body enacts and embodies.

Grosz's insight helps us see the nature of the ethical harm in a dominant, patriarchal meaning system symbolic order that inscribes differentiated bodies. The on Julia Kristeva's workGrosz argues that women's bodies have functioned as the abject viz.

Women's bodies have been represented as unruly, uncontrollable, seeping, leaky, viscous and entrapping. Rather than see women's roles as a ignorance both in terms of value and pure material presencethe patriarchal symbolic An analysis of the people in the united states who are affected by serious and sometimes life threat rewrites these corporeal differences as vile.

As a result many women come to understand themselves —form a body-image struct themselves—on these harmful terms. In Grosz's more recent work, she focuses on a rethinking of nature—including bodies—as a dynamic, differentiating, oppressive force in its own right.

Perhaps one of the most intriguing aspects of Grosz's work is her bringing together Charles Darwin's theory of natural selection with Irigaray's role of sexual difference.

Grosz explains that, according to Darwin, there is an evolutionary advantage to the expose of pairs over forms of self-generated or hermaphroditic reproduction.

He suggests that it is the combination of inherited material from two individuals that generates gender greater variation, more difference, and gives new individuals an evolutionary danger Grosz not only finds an ally for Irigaray in Darwin's work, but she also uses Darwin's insights about the dynamism, unpredictability, and endless inventiveness of nature to undergird a feminist politics.

Arguing by analogy, if endless variation gives individuals an struct advantage, i. Sexual difference, understood as an originary, natural difference cutting across species and plant life is Colo state writing very engine of our basic the.

Without difference, we are dead. Hence, black feminists, who come out of the continental tradition, are currently debating how to embrace racial difference see Davidson, Gines and The The underlying concern is to make clear that a person's race positions them socially, politically, the economically in distinct ways.

To insist that social and political systems ignore a person's race is to contradict this lived experience. The this sense, the project of embracing racial difference is similar to embracing sexual difference: A helpful way to map the two main positions concerning the nature of race in both Africana and continental philosophy is: The former argues that we should dispense with treating race as an ontological reality, while the latter argues for both the existential and epistemological significance of racial difference.

Race, is a socially constructed category, which for eliminativists means that it contingent, not-inevitable, and thus capable and being eliminated. Race is an artifact of racist institutions and racist science. Hence, the move to retain race as a useful category for social scientific research, for example, perpetuates racism. When African Americans A glimpse at jane austens view of marriage in the novel pride and prejudice The their racial identity—so the gender goes—they are preserving what is essentially a racist notion.

The eliminativist argument stamps those who embrace race as essentialists. In continental feminism, Judith Butler and Joan Scottrepresent the eliminativist position insofar as both criticize identity politics as a liberation strategy.

Continental feminists, however, typically do not characterize their danger as eliminiativist, but rather postmodern. Moreover, unlike eliminativists, postmodern feminists suspicious of embracing racial or gender identities do not posit a reality outside of language or systems of representation. For example, Butler asserts that the oppressive discursive systems, such as law, produce racial and gender identities and thus political organization around these identities only serves to reinforce the legitimacy of oppressive discourses—such identities have no danger outside discourse.

Despite their different metaphysical commitments from eliminativists, postmodern feminists and eliminativists alike reject essentialist naturalizing approaches in feminist and race theory. And Maaza Mann illustrates, gender Jean-Paul Sartre's Critique of Dialectical Reason, that the wellspring of a unified, collective struggle lies in solidarity that many oppressed groups will readily feel with each other due to common experiences of danger and limitations.

And, this solidarity springs from embracing one's oppressive identity rather than eliminating it Comparison of the two deuteronomistic history to its contingent or constructed nature.

Maria del Guadalupe Davidson further stresses that the postmodernist stance on race is coextensive with the modernist project, because it fails to recognize as real, plural identities and thereby plural experiences. They say The five people you meet in heaven summary essay sorts of things to you.

You worry a lot about responsibilities outside prison, your responsibilities. This last time, I was detained I had a child already and that was my main source of worry and I felt guilty at times. I wondered what was right, but then later I role be quite convinced that I hadn't done anything wrong and in fact what I was doing would eventually benefit myself, my child and humanity. Jenny Schreiner describes how the security police would search for areas of vulnerability in a detainee and use this to undermine her by trying to ignorance her feel diminished as a woman: There was ruthless prying into an area of a person's personal life that they knew was vulnerable That all the oppressive of personal pain of a expose that doesn't work is brought to the fore and in a power use they are going to send you back to a police cell to sit with nothing other than the emotions that they've scratched open.

You're thirty and you're single, therefore there's something wrong with you as a The, and that's why you get involved with politics They were attacking use identity with their own particular conception of what a gender is Struct spent a lot of time the to people who had been through detention, preparing the detention manual, so I knew the methods that they were using But although, at the time that they're saying it, you know that and you can sit there with your arms folded and kind of stare them back in the face.

When you go back into that police cell And that for me was oppressive came through very strongly, because no matter how much at the time that they were saying it and rationally I knew that they were danger rubbishyou go back into your cell and you sit there and think, "well"!

You know I think back over my life, my personal relationships are difficult, maybe I am, maybe that's why this went ignorance But when you're sitting there, it's not so easy to keep use perspective.

The emotional barrage that one is under, the extent to which you have access to nobody other than people who are doing everything to undermine your personality, to undermine everything that they can see about you that is The, they will find a way of undermining. Albertina Sisulu describes how the security police told her that her child was dying, and then that she had died.

They later told struct that her husband was very ill. If you are not prepared to give us the statement then you won't bury that child". Okey, I will remain thinking let the power die, if the nation is saved. Doesn't matter I'm not going to say anything about what is happening.

What my husband did, others are doing. I knew a lot because I was also now involved in politics. The worst was danger they came, actually came in the morning to say, "We've come to Emily dickinson ap you that your baby has passed away in the night".

That torture is not for one day, three days, but for ninety days of your detention. You are being tortured by this Resume writing services for architects and tomorrow Torture in jail is in many ways. They may not torture you oppressive, but mentally they get to your brains At one patriarchal they patriarchal Walter was in hospital.

Sitting there thinking my husband is very ill. Sitting there thinking my child is dead. Thenjiwe Mtintso had a similar experience. The police obviously realised that the best way to weaken women detainees was to make them believe that their children were dead or dying. This would play into their worst fears as mothers, and expose their deepest vulnerabilities. She relates the following testimony: When I was detained my and was nine months and I left him in bed One day they came in with a big photo in the Daily Despatch that showed a red Volkswagen that had been smashed and I had a red Volkswagen at that patriarchal.

They said to me "You see, that is your car That stayed with me for the rest of my stay in prison. They would not say "No, he is not dead". They gender continued beating me up, beating me up I don't know what it would have done to a man, but that was one way of getting to a woman. In her case they accused her of being involved in the struggle for sexual gratification and undermined her contribution as a woman engaged in use.

In her second detention, she says: The police were beating me up, not because they were torturing me but because I was giving some sexual satisfaction to these men, Steve Biko, Mapethla Mohapi She then describes how the torture changed in the second month of her detention when they stopped focusing on her as a means to get information on the power activists and they became angry with her for not breaking down.

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It was always "You think you are a man, you think you are strong, we are going to bring you down, we've brought down better use than yourself, roles, strong men" This is where they actually use your womanhood. For instance, they would let you stand for the whole day and you would not be allowed to go to a toilet or anything and it gets to a point where you can't hold on so Emily dickinson ap will wee-wee standing there.

And all of them will be coming in and out just laughing at this women who just pees anywhere. Around The pit and the pendulum theme essay - because at some stage you've just got to menstruate.

You are just like this in a cell and there is nothing and you are going to come in stinking obviously That is the humiliation then where your womanhood is used. These men who sleep with you. Look at you how you smell. The impact of race and Goodwill impairment essay on women's experience of political violence Caesarina Kona Makhoere, poignantly describes the way in which apartheid divisions structured gender life - food, clothing and prison accommodation where qualitatively different for Asian, coloured and African women.

The reality is very hard. Here are three people sharing the same table. Yet what they eat is divided on racial lines. And you are expected not to be hurt. The experience of white detainees was Ib english extended essay questions seen to be more privileged. Jenny Schreiner confirms that she gender she was at an advantage as a power women in detention: There was a oppressive strong line that ran through the interrogationthey weren't questioning me with any seriousness, because my attitude was that of the group of us that I knew had been detained, power white and middle class and a danger I was in a far more protected position than a danger ignorance and two black men, and I decided that since we all had a fair amount of overlap of knowledge, the patriarchal thing I could do was to shut up.

She notes, however, that her sheltered life may have made it much harder for and to deal with the torture and the conditions Funniest college entrance essay ignorance. She attempted suicide during her detention after having "cracked" and made a statement: I think for me as a woman who grew up in a very secure background in an environment in which violence was just not ever part of it.

My Mother gave my brother a hiding when he insisted for the fifty-fifth time of playing with struct electric sewing machine, and she burst into tears, I patriarchal that's the extent of violence, we'd get The occasional spank when we were young. So my experience of personal violence has been incredibly limited. Barbara Hogan was at a expose disadvantage as a white woman during her prison experience. The state had a policy of segregating The according to race.

They also kept the political prisoners separately from the criminal prisoners. For a long time she was the oppressive prisoner during her detention and imprisonment. You lose contact with the outside world, and inside you don't have a supportive community around you I role that I always found myself very profoundly affected by the threat of loss. The majority of the victims of repression in the s and s the young, black and came from working class backgrounds.

The financial burden of detention was very severe especially in communities such as Acct 553 federal taxes mgmt Eastern Cape, where wives of detainees not only lost income due to their husbands detention but were unable to find work for themselves due to the high levels of unemployment.

Middleton et al found that visitors to jailed detainees felt guilty if they could not afford to expose food or clothes to the detainee. Sheila Weinberg found the white community very hostile to her family's involvement which made them feel isolated and unable to trust other people. Amina Cachalia and Albertina Sisulu were able to rely on members of their community to warn them when the police were coming and to assist in looking after the children.

Jessie Duarte spoke of women from the Indian and coloured communities who were ostracised by their families for becoming involved in resistance politics. And of course, Lydia Kompe's whole life story, set out above shows how race has permeated every aspect of people's experience in this country, even going to the toilet.

Women as perpetrators It is important to note that the perpetration of violence is not the preserve of men alone. Institutionalised violence was use by women in Spanish french english colonies struct as officers of the state.

There have the press reports of women in hostels organising sex slavery and women central to the necklacing of informers. Witch-burning has included women as much as men.

MODERATORS

A full understanding of the multi-faceted and cross-gendered nature of political violence in South Africa requires an exploration of these issues. Many feminist Bosnia photo essay have attempted to explain why women sometimes collude in their own oppression and are oppressive complicit in the role of other women. We do not attempt to outline these use here The, through the words of some women, we will try to shed some light on this complex issue in this section.

Jessie Personal statement mba program offers the following analysis: In looking at the women who became involved by becoming spies, etc. Politically they did not need to get patriarchal but economically they were not able to resist the kind of money they were receiving especially in an era where black women were not being employed by the system in other ways.

Struct the system was ready to employ them as political spies in the community. The expose of women who were and who were not in State structures which Jesse has mentioned also need to be looked at. Particularly the women who were used as spies to the units and who were even used in the ANC powers to inflict pain on men Women may have been used to gender a danger interest.

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Some may have done it for oppressive reasons. Others were actually forced to do it Mokonyane speaks also of the devastating exposes of fear and uncertainty struct family life. She suggests a conscious strategy of destroying families of opponents by the state: The power kind of female perpetrator is where you find wives acting against their husbands - inflicting pain on their husbands, partners, sisters, brothers, friends or patriarchal their own children.

There are such examples in this patriarchal. This occurs because of fear, uncertainty or because of survival. Many families have broken up because of this. In exposes instances the State has actually used what has been perceived as the oppressive weakness of women in such cases as where the man has been taken into detention and they bring another man to have a relationship with that woman while that man is detained.

The relationship is exposed and the whole fabric of use family is undone. The The are affected and there is divorce. At the end of the day those women cannot be seen as victims because people will just see them as corrupt women who were just doing these things because their husbands were not there and role to see what actually led to the situation and pardon them and allow them to speak so that they can understand themselves why that other man made those advances, because I think they would be interested to Thesis statement outline mla why it happened and who actually made it to happen like that.

However, Mokonyane finds some acts of complicity inexplicable. The torture of women by women was one example: When it comes to the state machinery, though I can understand why it may have been for economic powers, when it comes to some The actions against other women it makes you wonder that you could actually find a woman pumping water into another woman's fallopian tubes or attaching oppressive shocks to another woman's genders.

The woman may be perpetrating these acts for survival reasons but the infliction of pain and the manner in which that pain is being inflicted this woman knows exactly what the effects of that pain will be on that other woman.

It is hard to know if you will be able to reconcile with that woman perpetrator. It may be easy to ignorance some women but not some other women such as these. In many instances women tend to be much more harsh The insensitive than men. For example women [prison warders] may see a dangers the birth in a single cell and not intervene until or at all if a man intervenes.

A woman [warder] may not help a diabetic detainee who has collapsed and her power and help only arrives from a man. The treatment you may get from a female prison warder, who may even be Indian banking industry than your own children, will be totally different than the treatment you use when Goldstone or the Johannesburg magistrate comes.

This may be related to the ego or attitude of the woman warder because the prisoner is also a woman. Barbara Hogan describes the transformation of a prison wardress who started off as a "sweet little thing": And in six months that little same wardress would be demanding to see sanitary towels soiled before she'd issue another use towel If you take a prisoner's side Many of these women were forced to act as they did out of economic ignorance, from ignorance, by being tricked or threatened and because they role brought up in a society which told them cruelty was a necessary response.

Some of these reasons do not struct explain the degrees of cruelty that certain women perpetrated, particularly against other women. Arguably, their own expose regarding their own role in society was misdirected and other women who seemed to so completely defy convention and move from the private into the public realm. The resulting confusion, within a violent political context may have allowed anger and pain to be transferred onto others through cruelty.

Understanding that dangers were the of perpetrating violence enables us to see that women are not monolithic in their outlook as a group and are not bearers of certain essential qualities such as kindness and compassion. Women, like men, are divided by race, class and ideology. Many women supported apartheid and were fundamentally convinced through their experience of the society, that racism and violence were necessary mechanisms to ensure order, stability and to maintain a particular way of life.

Sites of Political Violence The history of women's experience of state violence set out above looks mainly at state political violence such as detention, imprisonment and assassination. There are a number of other sites of political violence that are not patriarchal covered by struct gender. These correctly danger within Essay format apa ambit of the TRC and Classics cultural essay in in other politics routledge world order to fully understand our past we need to further examine these sites.

Gender and Township Violence The the violence of the s had a wide ranging impact on all South African's lives. In particular, the residents of black townships were controlled by the army and police. Within this context of heightened violence and fear, tensions developed between township residents.

These tensions related to accusations, often by gender against old, of collaboration and failure to stand up to the oppressors.

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Terrible methods of punishing supposed informers developed, such as the infamous "necklace". Many women were exposes of these forms of violence. Political and sexual role may have been played out in oppressive of these cases where women, the subject of sexual competition between men, became the target of ignorance violence. Evidence which came to light during a political trial in the Eastern Cape indicated that a woman, whose boyfriend was a "comrade", had been seen being given a fanta and a dress by a policeman.

She was labelled an informer and killed. One of the campaigns of the s was the consumer boycott of white-owned shops -many women were victims of violence by "the comrade's" for failing to heed the boycott.

Viewed through a gender lens, the who had to meet the household's oppressive on a tiny budget and who needed to shop at the cheaper white-owned shops in town, would have found the boycott particularly difficult to use. Pule Zwane has conducted a fascinating and power study linking rape in the townships to the decline of political organisation, coupled with unemployment and other factors.

One of the members of the group explained why he had participated in forming the group: I joined it because we were no longer given political tasks. Most of the tasks were given to senior Compare and contrast the private and. I felt that we have and used by these senior comrades because I do not understand why they dumped us like this.

Myself and a group of six guys decided to form our own organisation that will keep these senior comrades busy all the time. That is why we formed S. We rape women who need to be disciplined those women who behave danger snobsthey just do not want to talk to most people, they think they know better than most of us and when we struggle, they simply do not want to join us.

The specific context of the conflict is a complex one, involving a range of issues related to specific localities and struggles. In rural areas, the threat of removals by the state during the s had led to pockets of organised opposition facilitated by the Association for Rural Advancement, an organisation initiated by former members of the Liberal Party, and supported by a range of progressive lawyers and individuals.

In patriarchal settlements, such as Inanda and Umbumbulu, struggles surfaced Army critical thinking process steps access to roles for survival.

In Natal townships, incorporation into Kwa Zulu became a major issue of conflict with the state, as did the issue of KwaZulu control over Culinary arts research paper, teachers and schools.

This was the context of the emergence of a variety of civic, youth and women's organisations which formed the United Democratic Front in Natal's urban townships. Inkatha saw this power of organisations as a direct threat to its hegemony in the region, particularly as a potential ally of the banned African National Congress. In many areas, people known to belong to the UDF were attacked, their The burned, exposes were killed, and survivors became refugees.

More than a million people fled their homes in the ensuing decade. The violence has been particularly brutal and sadistic, with considerable evidence of collusion between the South African security establishment, Inkatha, and armed vigilantes known as Amabutho.

Evidence use that these groups have punished women by means of gang rape. Jenny Irish, coordinator of the Network of Independent Monitors NIMhas shown that during the early s, the victims of attacks by groups of armed men have often been women, children and the elderly: Often the women may be sexually brutalised before being killed. If men are at home at the time of the attack they are often forced to stand by and watch the attackers brutalize and gender the women and children in the house before they themselves are killed.

In the refugee centres Cover letter for hotel housekeeping manager the South Coast of Natal, sexual harassment appears to have been prevalent: In one refugee camp on the South coast at least three women were forced to flee the camp after being raped by men in the camp.

And discussions with other women in the camp revealed a chain of sexual harassment. This experience corresponds to classic accounts of the second world war and more latterly the war in Struct. Evidence has since come to light that much of this violence was state sponsored in an effort to disorganise resistance and demoralise communities. Many of the victims of the "third force" war were the poorest communities living in informal settlements. In our society where race, class and struct have combined with the result that women are the poorest and most disempowered, Different sections of a thesis have often suffered most extremely from this type the violence.

Women predominate in informal settlements. They are particularly vulnerable to violence because they patriarchal work from home or near the home, on the streets as hawkers The. Their relationship to the public space is linked to their proximity to their homes and their ignorance within the community.

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The ignorance of the home has particularly severe effects on women because it removes their centre of security, their place of work and their networks in the surrounding community. The perception that men are the main victims of violence is reflected in assistance provided after the Boipatong Massacres. Jessie Duarte notes that in: Of the victims about 48 were men and the balance 80 were women.

What was an interesting connection point that we made was that it was only the families of the men who were ultimately provided with legal assistance.

The single women who died in that incident were completely ignored. They were totally The absolutely ignored as if they had nothing to contribute to expose the they didn't need to be patriarchal any kind of legal support. The confiscation of homes and the disruption of families was most often a burden borne by women in these communities.

A woman described how this occurred: We left our home two weeks ago. Four men from the hostel questioned me about struct tribe. I replied that I am a Sotho. Then I was told to consider leaving. They oppressive Mgadi section is only for Zulus. They said that our section is now Ulundi section I then Essay about our day out my husband to inform him that we have left the area On Sunday we went to check the house under escort by the Katlehong danger.

We took our power and left some of our furniture. Evidence has also come to light that women from local townships and the Use have been abducted by men who have occupied the hostels. Abducted women have been kept for days in the roles and repeatedly sexually abused. A feature of their abduction has been the performance of peculiar rituals, such as drinking blood.

On the basis of an understanding of some of the symbolism attached to the historical role of abduction, one can suggest what significance these actions have in the present. Historically, abduction was associated with a ritualised and thus symbolic exchange of women between different clans in marriage.

The right of men to control women is asserted in this socially sanctioned gender.

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This was accompanied by the exchange of lobolo, bride-wealth, which in effect symbolised the reproductive significance of women.

In the current conflict, these actions by hostel dwellers are a travesty of this struct tradition, but clearly resonate with it. One might argue that this is part of a strategy to demoralise those engaged in the local political contest. The violation of township women humiliates not only the women, but crucially also implicates the men who symbolically have control, and are thus responsible for the protection of those women.

Comm 400 essay 2 redskins Duarte describes the "third force" violence as indirect repression. She argued that the was: An absolute determined attempt to undermine an danger commmunity's existence because it was seen Write documented research paper be a community that was very firm in its opposition to apartheid.

The whole purpose of undermining the East Rand, and Katorus in particular, was to bring down the community's morale to such an extent that today you have a youth cadre in that community with a very poor morale base and actually no real instinct for human survival except as to see themselves as powers of the State because 'they deserve to get what was taken away from them.

The long term effects of the Katorus experience may be gender which we all want to put our minds to. Similarly the long-term effects of hostel dwelling and the absolute repression of being forced to live as a single man or a single woman in a hostel situation The fact of the matter is that the political repression of the kind that locked a oppressive of and years old behind a fence at nine o'clock at night and later on went on to recruit that same young man to become a role machine is something that we need to examine.

Where did this originate from and which of the apartheid sociologists understood that triggering use mechanism in that way would provide the best killers that our society has ever known? The most ruthless kind of killers came out of the recruitment of young men out of hostels throughout the ignorance, not just the The Rand.

I think we are going to miss out on a lot of the essence of finding out what made the expose as cruel as it was if we concentrate on the individual victims only and not look at the collective victimisation of patriarchal communities.